Puer natus est nobis

https://spectator.org/the-biden-bergoglio-reset/

The Biden-Bergoglio Reset | The American Spectator | USA News and Politics

George Neumayr

As the party of secularism, the Democrats pride themselves on keeping "religion out of politics." But they don't mind if liberal politics seeps into religion. Nor do they mind taking direction from politicized religious figures. Recall the pope's visit to Congress during the Obama-Biden administration. The Democrats were all ears, as Pope Francis delivered an address touting their favorite left-wing causes, from open borders to climate-change activism.

Both men are products of a hopelessly politicized era in the history of the Church, in which a generation of faithless bishops gave rise to a generation of faithless pols.

John F. Kennedy had promised not to let a pope influence his politics. But today's Catholic Democrats make no such vows. Indeed, Joe Biden has reversed JFK's pledge, as he brags about his political alliance with Pope Francis. In the closing days before the election, Biden has been courting the Catholic vote by aligning himself with the pope's political musings, quoting from his encyclicals, and playing up their friendship.

Where Kennedy said that the pope did "not speak" for him on political matters, Biden loudly invokes Francis in his politics. This, of course, points up an enormous and maddening irony: the same Joe Biden who throughout his career has said that he will not "impose" his faith on non-Catholics is happy to dump the pope's personal politics on them.

Many such twisted and bewildering ironies would define his administration, if he wins the presidency. He would at once preside over the most anti-Catholic presidency in American history — renewing the Obama-era harassment of the Little Sisters of the Poor and expelling Catholics from public life — while forming a globalist juggernaut with the pope on non-religious matters.

Biden takes his politics from the pope and his religion from the political zeitgeist. It all makes, should it happen, for a very combustible presidency. That it could come not against but with the Catholic vote and the support of the hierarchy only adds to the farce.

In Archbishop Carlo Maria Viganò's latest letter to President Trump, he warns in effect of a Biden-Bergoglio reset in global politics:

A global plan called the Great Reset is underway. Its architect is a global élite that wants to subdue all of humanity, imposing coercive measures with which to drastically limit individual freedoms and those of entire populations. In several nations this plan has already been approved and financed; in others it is still in an early stage. Behind the world leaders who are the accomplices and executors of this infernal project, there are unscrupulous characters who finance the World Economic Forum and Event 201, promoting their agenda.

Whatever form this reset takes, if it happens, Biden and Bergoglio can be counted on to join forces to promote it. What binds them together is not Catholicism but leftism. Both are products of a hopelessly politicized era in the history of the Church, in which a generation of faithless bishops gave rise to a generation of faithless pols. A Biden-Bergoglio partnership would seal that unholy alliance, causing both the Church and the world to spiral downward.

Just as the Church bred a destroyer in Barack Obama — the devious Chicago Cardinal Joseph Bernardin paid for part of his training as an Alinskyite community organizer — so she bred an even worse one in Joe Biden, whose persecution of Catholics would pick up where Obama left off and intensify. A Biden presidency would obliterate the religious freedom of Catholics, driving them into the narrowest of sectarian shadows. Anyone who doubts this need only look at who Biden chose as his running mate, Kamala Harris, an anti-Catholic bigot so extreme that she considers mere membership in the Knights of Columbus a disqualification for government service.

Under the coercive edicts and decrees of the Biden administration, the Church in America would face a future either of secularist hijacking or ostracism and oblivion. All of the destructive currents within the Church would accelerate. The left's goal is to remove faith from politics while politics swallows up the faith.

In the alliance between faithless bishops and faithless pols lies a mutual mission to secularize the Church. What explains the deafening silence (and sometimes overt support) from the bishops about Biden is not just that they share his politics. They also share his dissenting theology. They, too, would like to see Church teaching dissolve. Having already surrendered most of their institutions to secularism — just look at Catholic academia, which is almost indistinguishable from its secular counterparts — they don't mind if Biden finishes them off for them. Like Obama, Biden can even expect to receive honorary doctorates from Catholic colleges while doing so.

In Pope Francis's visit to America, one can already see the pitiful character of that depleted faith. He came and conformed almost perfectly to his host's secularist expectations. In his speeches before Obama and Biden, he said nothing about their anti-Catholic policies and instead bolstered their politics. Progressives noted with glee that the only example he gave of an attack on life was not abortion but the death penalty, while conservatives sadly noted his omissions of any mention of Jesus Christ. Religion barely figured into his visit. It was the consummation of a Democratic dream: not religion in politics but politics stuffed so thoroughly into religion it became nothing more than useful propaganda.

In Biden and Pope Francis, the very alliance JFK promised to prevent may come to pass, ironically enough, but with a perverse twist — a Catholic president and pope united against America in all things except religion.

George Neumayr is author of The Biden Deception.

Replacing the WASPS - Catholicism.org

https://catholicism.org/replacing-the-wasps.html

Replacing the WASPS

Most of what we consider institutional America — its governmental, academic, cultural, and even religious — structures were created by the White Anglo-Saxon Protestants. Of course, there were many of Dutch, German, French Huguenot, Scandinavian, and other Northern European nationalities in their makeup; moreover, although tied to them by blood and religion, such folk as the Swamp Yankees of New England and the Rednecks of the South were not really part of the magic circle. Instead, we are here talking about what passed for Aristocracy in these United States — a combination of the descendants of the earlier settlers and fighters of our first two major internal conflicts (call them revolutions or civil wars as you will) and those of the 19^th century robber barons, such as the Vanderbilts, Fords, and Rockefellers. Bear in mind also that our native gentry were far from monolithic: each major city and its hinterlands boasted their own: Boston's Brahmins, the Old Philadelphians, and the listees in the country's various Social Registers. For better or worse, they created everything from the Smithsonian Institution to the Boy Scouts of America.

It is important to bear in mind that at its best the WASP ethos was not all about cocktails at the club and yachting. There was an ethic of hard work, of being useful, and of civic-mindedness — noblesse oblige in the case of the wealthier among them. From California's San Simeon to Massachusetts' Hammond Castle, the country is dotted with the grand houses they built — some of which, as with those two examples, were intended to be museums for the edification of the general public after their owner/builders passed away. To them also, we owe the Colonial Revival Movement, beginning with the Centennial in 1876 — tied up with which were the nascent Conservation, Historic Preservation, Arts-and-Crafts, and City Beautiful movements. Even as regards their manners and etiquette, these were seen as restraining selfishness. As Richard Duffy put it in his introduction to the first edition of Emily Post's classic book on the subject, "Selfishness is at the polar remove from the worldly manners of the old school, according to which, as Dr. Pusey wrote, others were preferred to self, pain was given to no one, no one was neglected, deference was shown to the weak and the aged, and unconscious courtesy extended to all inferiors. Such was the 'beauty' of the old manners, which he felt consisted in 'acting upon Christian principle, and if in any case it became soulless, as apart from Christianity, the beautiful form was there, into which the real life might re-enter.'" But these natural virtues were built upon a shaky spiritual foundation, that in great degree morphed over time into our current "wokeness."

Thus it is that most of the institutions they built are caught up in masochistic seizures of self-incrimination since the Floyd death in Minneapolis. Structures of WASPery ranging from the Sierra Club to the American Antiquarian Society to the Ivy League are busy attacking the memories of their own founders and pillorying their own histories in pursuit of any taint of "systemic racism" — while ignoring their current racist attitudes of implied Black inferiority. Most distasteful of these pitiful displays, perhaps, was the support of Theodore Roosevelt's own great-grandsons for the removal of their forbear's statue from New York's American Museum of Natural history. Despite their long-term antipathy to Catholicism and Catholics, the widespread disdain of the WASP's progeny toward their ancestors is pathetic — truly painful to watch.

Back then, of course, Catholic response to the WASPs was varied. A quiet disdain married to melancholy over being superseded by them was the lot of the old colonial Catholic aristocracies in the Southwest, Louisiana, and Maryland. The bulk of Catholic Americans and their descendants, however, were post-independence immigrants. For some, "being accepted" became all important; this meant aping WASP ways as much as possible up to — and in some cases, including — outright shedding of the Faith — in a word, the Kennedy Solution. The other was to disdain WASP ways and manners, and those of our religion who imitated them — the "Jiggs and Maggie" school, if you like. But neither imitation nor ridicule could conceal the fact that the one thing Catholics were not doing was evangelising. At the very time when the Episcopalian, Presbyterian. Congregational, and other favoured WASP denominations were beginning to collapse doctrinally — and so perhaps in a more receptive mood, had our message been preached energetically — we were at first more interested in getting "one of our own" elected. Afterwards we were too busy with our own post-Vatican II implosion to worry about our own souls, let alone those of outsiders.

We ought to have kept in mind the first conversions in Rome, and the state of mind of such as Henry Adams. The first were among two classes: the slaves, to whom Catholicism gave hope and belief in the value of their difficult lives; and the old pre-Imperial nobility, whose adherence to the nearly extinct "Roman virtues" was supernaturalised from a mere clinging to worthy tradition to a preparation for the Gospel. In the period immediately preceding the coming of the Faith to Rome, one could well imagine them sharing Henry Adams' point of view regarding being superseded by pushier, more ignoble sorts: "Landed, lost, and forgotten, in the centre of this vast plain of self-content, Adams could see but one active interest, to which all others were subservient, and which absorbed the energies of some sixty million people to the exclusion of every other force, real or imaginary." Had evangelisation rather than respectability been the aim of Catholic America, folk like Ss. Elizabeth Ann Seton and Katherine Drexel, Rose Hawthorne Lathrop, Fr. John Thayer, and Orestes Brownson might well have been pioneers, rather than oddities.

Certainly, as the course of American Anglo-Catholicism shows, there was at least an influential element among the WASPs that came to be interested on their own in what the Church had to offer. As with that movement anywhere, this group produced some whose embrace of Sacramental Christianity led them to believe that theirs was an equal or better case to that of Rome: typical of these were such figures as Charles Chapman Grafton, who brought the Cowley Fathers to America and served as Episcopal Bishop of Wisconsin. But it led others such as Ralph Adams Cram (who actually felt the first stirrings of conversion at a Papal Mass in Rome) and T.S. Eliot to seriously desire reunion with the Catholic Church, under the Pope. That they did not convert perhaps says as much about the Church in their time and place as it does about them. In any case, in the United States as in the other parts of the Anglican Communion, the Anglo-Catholics revived such devotions as prayers for the dead and to the Blessed Sacrament and the Virgin Mary. They "Catholicised" the Anglican service into something resembling the Tridentine Mass in English, and revived religious communities among their co-religionists. As elsewhere, a network of Anglo-Catholic parishes propagated their views and practises across the country. Despite the general doctrinal wreck of Anglicanism over the past few decades, it was their revival, invention, or preservation of a unique religiosity that constituted the patrimony whose preservation Benedict XVI wished to accomplish through his creation of the Personal Ordinariates. But this patrimony was not merely to be retained as a sort of museum piece; rather, the Pope saw it as a gift to the whole Church and a means of evangelising the Anglosphere as a whole — and of which these United States are an integral part. If Anglo-Catholicism has any real future, it is within the Ordinariates.

Traditionally, the Episcopalians have acted as community sanctifiers, with such rites as Lessons and Carols, blessings of hounds, madrigal dinners, boar's head festivals, kirkin' o' tartans, and, indeed, all sorts of civic, musical, theatrical, and literary activities used to reinforce the community. Ordinariate communities in particular and Catholic parishes in general need to think about filling that role on the local level — according to circumstances. The same is true as regards nominal chaplaincies in local hereditary, veterans', and service organisations. But where the Episcopalians used these for primarily secular ends, for us they must be made means of evangelising. Moreover, we ought to emphasise, as they did for their heroes the various American Saints, Blesseds, Venerables, and Servants of God, celebrating their feasts and or memories as splendidly — and with as much civic involvement — as possible. This is particularly true of the patronal feast of the United States, the Immaculate Conception — and the various State and local patrons.

Similarly, to the Catholic laity in particular falls the task of taking up the WASP slack in areas that many of us never have given much thought to: local historical, conservation, preservation, and cultural organisations that while in and of themselves have limited goals, nevertheless serve to make the local community a better place in which to live. Again, not as an end in itself, but ultimately to evangelise — WHILE making things better.

Obviously, such a plan depends upon as many Catholics as possible — clerical and lay — putting the Faith first, above all other considerations. This seems like a tall order, the conversion of this country; but so was that of pagan Rome. Just as the Catholics converted and ultimately saved the Roman Empire as a noble idea (and often, a reality), so too would the gradual conversion of this country eventually transform our WASP-founded institutions into something far better than we can conceive of. It may be that our greatest efforts shall not succeed in the long run. But if we try our hardest to bring it about, it shall help our own personal salvation mightily. As with the old Roman nobility, those WASPs who convert redeem and baptise the work of their fathers. And who knows? Their descendants and ours may well see something wonderful arise on the soil of these United States.

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Aristocrazia dell’anima

La Chiesa cattolica
e un'Italia svanita
di Ernesto Galli della Loggia
17 ottobre 2020
È scomparsa una parte del Paese di stampo aristocratico e borghese delle cui competenze la Santa Sede in vari modi si è a lungo potuta servire

Le ennesime disavventure, chiamiamole eufemisticamente così, delle finanze vaticane mettono in luce indirettamente un fatto importante: la scomparsa di una certa Italia cattolica di stampo aristocratico e borghese delle cui competenze fino a tempi non troppo lontani la Chiesa in vari modi si è servita, e che ha servito la Chiesa e le sorti del cattolicesimo all'insegna di un forte impegno etico e di un sostanziale disinteresse personale. Aveva, quell'Italia cattolica, le sue roccaforti soprattutto nel Lombardo-Veneto e negli Stati Pontifici (nelle antiche e meno antiche famiglie dei Gallarati Scotti, dei Casati, dei Valmarana, dei Falck, così come in non pochi ambienti borghesi delle professioni e della cultura), e benché la fede legasse tradizionalmente quell'Italia alla Santa Sede, all'indomani dell'Unità — essendo predominante nelle sue file un orientamento cattolico-liberale — essa non mancò di fornire importanti servigi anche al nuovo Stato. La Democrazia cristiana di Alcide De Gasperi, ad esempio, fece ampio ricorso a non pochi dei suoi esponenti per una serie di incarichi importanti e generalmente con ottimi risultati. Vien fatto di pensare a tutto ciò quando si apprende dai giornali di come venivano abitualmente gestiti i cospicui fondi della Santa Sede da parte di prelati di ogni rango.

Tutti evidentemente digiunissimi di cose finanziarie (e alcuni senz'altro onesti, come io mi ostino a credere il cardinale Becciu), i quali per anni, come se niente fosse sono stati soliti affidare milioni e milioni a società con sede nei luoghi più sospetti, a personaggi tra i più improbabili, a banchieri di mezza tacca, a intermediari dal più che dubbio profilo, a tizi presentati da altri tizi, e così via. A una genia di figuri, insomma, che qualunque persona appena avvertita avrebbe messo alla porta all'istante guardandosi bene dall'affidargli sia pure un centesimo. Figuri che invece in Vaticano sembra che abbiano ricevuto ogni volta l'incarico di manovrare cifre da capogiro: com'è ovvio facendo regolarmente quello che qualsiasi persona ragionevole si sarebbe aspettata, e cioè che una parte di tali cifre restasse illecitamente nelle loro tasche. Che in alcuni dei mandanti in abito talare ci sia stata all'origine un'intenzione fraudolenta (affidarsi a degli imbroglioni per poter a propria volta imbrogliare e rubare) è più che possibile. Ma l'ingenuità, l'insipienza, e direi quasi la dabbenaggine nella scelta delle persone ai cui servigi rimettersi sembrano essere state così diffuse e costanti nel tempo da sfiorare l'inverosimile.
A petto di questa massa di imbroglioni di varia specie aggirantisi nei sacri palazzi come non ricordare, tanto per fare un nome la figura di un uomo come Bernardino Nogara? Ben pochi, credo, sanno chi fosse, ma proprio questo è forse il suo maggior titolo di gloria. Bernardino Nogara — proveniente da una famiglia del Comasco di ben dodici figli, di radicate tradizioni cattoliche — dopo una fortunata carriera nel mondo dell' industria e della finanza durante la quale ebbe modo anche di collaborare con Giolitti in importanti questioni di politica estera, fu colui al quale nel 1929 Pio XI conferì l'incarico con pieni poteri di riorganizzare le finanze vaticane. Che oltre comprendere l'Obolo di san Pietro proprio in quel 1929 si erano arricchite dell'astronomica cifra conferita ad esse dallo Stato italiano dopo i Patti Lateranensi. Ebbene, Nogara mise ordine, scansò pericoli, investì con oculatezza e lungimiranza, amministrò con la massima onestà, e al termine di venticinque anni di servizio lasciò la Santa Sede in condizioni di floridezza senza pari.
Nogara è solo un esempio che i fatti di questi giorni richiamano. Un esempio di quell'Italia cattolica di stampo aristocratico e borghese di cui dicevo all'inizio, la quale a livello di parrocchia come di diocesi e infine in Vaticano per lungo tempo affiancò in molti modi la Chiesa, e su cui la Chiesa sapeva di poter contare invece dei loschi sconosciuti a cui da troppo tempo si è abituata a far ricorso. Un'Italia che oggi appare scomparsa o lo è davvero. In parte perché probabilmente non è (o non si sente) più cattolica o perché i suoi figli hanno conosciuto il processo di secolarizzazione che ha conosciuto tutto il Paese. Ma in parte perché tanto al centro che alla periferia la Chiesa ha ritenuto di fare a meno di lei. Attuando una scelta dietro la quale è facile scorgere l'effetto di due processi concomitanti.
Il primo è stato l'atteggiamento diffusosi nella Chiesa dopo il Concilio. Un atteggiamento orientato comunque al rinnovamento in quanto tale, all'uscita dai vecchi schemi, al ripudio di tutte le antiche abitudini. Soprattutto volto ad allontanare da sé ogni sospetto di vicinanza al potere, di prossimità alle classi dominanti invece che agli «ultimi». Prima o poi tutto ciò che sapeva di tradizione e apparisse democraticamente ambiguo è stato così messo da parte. Non meraviglia che in questa atmosfera utilizzare i servigi di un antico nobiluomo o le competenze di un ricco professionista conosciuti per la loro fede preconciliare e la loro posizione sociale eminente abbia finito per sembrare quanto mai sconveniente e inopportuno. E infatti da allora ogni rapporto tra la Chiesa e figure sociali di questo tipo è venuto sostanzialmente meno.
Il secondo processo è stata l'internazionalizzazione del papato e insieme della Curia, avvenuto nell'ultimo mezzo secolo dopo l'elezione di Wojtyla: prodotto e accompagnato dalla diffusione nell'opinione pubblica cattolica mondiale e sempre più nello stesso ambiente papale da un tacito ma forte pregiudizio antitaliano.
L'effetto combinato di tutto ciò è stato a partire dagli anni 70 la progressiva internazionalizzazione anche della gestione delle finanze vaticane, il cui simbolo può essere considerato il ruolo ultraventennale esercitato da un uomo come il vescovo lituano-americano Paul Marcinkus. Un indirizzo, come si sa, fin dall'inizio all'insegna di legami più che sospetti con ambienti finanziari mondiali dalla grigissima reputazione quando non dediti a vere e proprie attività criminali. Tranne brevi parentesi da trent'anni tutto procede su questa strada, con il puntuale corredo di manigoldi, scandali e ruberie. La mancanza di vere competenze proprie di carattere extrareligioso, e al tempo stesso l'impossibilità di contare sulle competenze di una società civile cattolica ormai inesistente o lontana, condannano non solo la gestione finanziaria della Santa Sede ma più in generale tutti i suoi rapporti con il «secolo» a vivere pericolosamente, sempre sull'orlo della truffa o dell'illegalità o, quando va bene, della più sconfortante goffaggine.
17 ottobre 2020, 23:02 - modifica il 17 ottobre 2020 | 23:03
© RIPRODUZIONE RISERVATA

RORATE CÆLI: De Mattei: An appeal to the true elites against mediocrity

https://rorate-caeli.blogspot.com/2020/10/de-mattei-appeal-to-true-elites-against.html

Revolution and Counter-Revolution - Historic overview by Atila S. Guimaraes

https://www.traditioninaction.org/History/F_001_RCR_ASG.html

New Liturgical Movement: Singing Upon the Book: Further Methods of Chant Harmonization (Part 2)

http://www.newliturgicalmovement.org/2020/10/singing-upon-book-further-methods-of_8.html

SAINT JOHN OF JERUSALEM - GRAND PRIORY OF ENGLAND SMOM: BLESSED ADRIAN FORTESCUE - TUITIO FIDEI - COME DRINK AT THE FOUNTAIN

http://saintjohnofjerusalem.blogspot.com/2020/09/blessed-adrian-fortescue-tuitio-fidei.html

Tumblar House Catholic Books for all your book requirements including Charles A Coloumbe

https://www.tumblarhouse.com/blogs/news/quest-for-the-catholic-state-charles-coulombe 

A Catholic State

QUEST FOR THE CATHOLIC STATE

Posted by Charles A. Coulombe on May 09, 2018

What would a Catholic state look like? To find the answer, Charles Coulombe takes us on a stroll through history.

They fought sacred monarchies because they denied that authority is derived from God and rejected the idea that society is a natural development of families and founded on traditions.

After the French Revolution Count Joseph de Maistre, probably the greatest of counter-revolutionary thinkers, uttered this warning: "Know how to be a monarchist: in the past it was instinct, today it is a science." He was fully aware that traditional loyalties and institutions had been questioned by the revolutionary turmoil; in particular rationalism and illuminism attacked the Throne and the Altar and pursued a strategy of laicisation of State and unchristianising of society. They fought sacred monarchies because they denied that authority is derived from God and rejected the idea that society is a natural development of families, is founded on traditions, is an organic entity; to this they proposed the notion of a hypothetical contract. De Maistre knew very well that political battles must first be won in the field of ideas, a teaching which was to be stressed by another great French monarchist, Charles Maurras, and that the Revolution, even if defeated on the battlefield, still lay in wait (Massimo de Leonardis, "Monarchism in Italy," Royal Stuart Review, vol. 8, no. 1, 1990, p. 5).

Up until 1848, Catholic social theorists and politicians alike had to a great degree simply ignored the industrial proletariat. While they continued to fight for Catholic Monarchy, local liberties and traditions, and the countryside over the town, they had ignored the growth of the proletariat and what was called the "social question"---the reduction of the industrial workers to semi-permanent misery; the result was the loss of the Faith among such masses, and the rise correspondingly of socialism and communism. The revolutions of 1848 and the following few years made such aware of two important facts: the Church had to face the industrial age, and just as they had been forced by the Revolution to turn what had been before an instinctual acceptance of the natural order of things into a conscious ideology, so too must they now find a way to apply that ideology---developed initially in defense of traditional and rural institutions---to modern life.

Just as in the first part of the 19th Century, men like De Maistre, De Bonald, von Baader, and Müller arose to elaborate and popularize the Church's social teachings, so too did they in the second half. As early as 1869, German bishop Wilhelm von Ketteler declared that the working classes required six things:

 

1) increase of wages corresponding to the true value of labor;

2) shorter hours of labor;

3) days of rest;

4) abolition of child-labor in factories;

5) prohibition of women, particularly mothers, from working in factories; and

6) young girls should not be employed in factories (lest the latter two seem horribly sexist, it should be remembered that then as now, family life was disrupted when mothers had to work, and young girls could be employed at a fraction of even the pittance paid men).

 

The fact that these proposals seemed radical then says much about conditions at the time. Soon men like him all over Europe would be attempting to unite the older strand of Catholic social thought with the new conditions. Always, however, they would be hampered by the fact that by this time the reins of power in most of Europe were in liberal hands.

Already, though, the world had seen one government at least in integrally Catholic hands, showing what the Church's teachings could give the nation and the ruler who dared to apply them. The country so blessed was Ecuador, and the ruler, Gabriel García Moreno.

Gabriel García Moreno

The coming of independence to Latin America saw the formation in every country there of two parties: Liberal and Conservative. The latter looked to Spain in particular and Europe in general for social and political inspiration. They wished to retain the Catholic Church in the position which she had had from the first settlement; further, they wanted the great estates to remain like those of Europe---self-contained communities which, while they may not have made their owners a great deal of money did build social stability. The Liberals looked to the United States as a guide, wanted separation of Church and State, and wished to turn the great estates into money-making concerns, like factories. These two groups had clashed since independence. The Conservatives had indeed produced some great leaders, like Mexico's Agust'n I and Guatemala's Rafael Carrera. But these were inevitably opposed by powerful U.S.-backed forces. In any case, as the 19th Century progressed, both parties were faced with the impact such inventions as the railroad must make on their countries.

Born in 1821 to an aristocratic family of Ecuador's capital, Quito, García Moreno studied theology in the university there. Thinking he had a vocation to the priesthood, he received minor orders and the tonsure; but his closest friends and his own interests convinced him to pursue a more worldly career. Graduating in 1844, he was admitted to the bar. Starting his career as both lawyer and journalist (opposed to the Liberal government in power) he made little headway. In 1849 he embarked on a two year visit to Europe to see first hand the effects of the 1848 revolution. He made a second trip in 1854-56. Louis Veulliot (himself a great champion of the Faith in the press) described what these trips did for García Moreno:

In a foreign land, solitary and unknown, García Moreno made himself fit to rule. He learned all that was necessary for him to know in order to govern a nation, formerly Christian but now falling fast into an almost savage condition...Paris, which is at once a Christian and a heathen city, is the very place where the lesson he needed vould best be acquired, since the two opposing elements may there be seen engaged in perpetual conflict. Paris is a training school for priests and martyrs, it is also a manufactory of anti-Christs and assassins. The future president of Ecuador gazed upon the good and the evil, and when he set out for his home afar, his choice was made.

He returned home in 1856 to find his country in the grip of strident anti-clericals; he was elected a senator and joined the opposition. Although himself a Monarchist (he would have liked to have seen a Spanish prince on the throne) he bowed to circumstances and allowed himself to be made president after a civil war the year after his return---so great had his stint in the country's Senate made his reputation. In 1861 this was confirmed in a popular election for a four year term. Unhappily, his successor was deposed by the Liberals in 1867. But two years later he was reelected, and then again in 1875. During his period in office, he propelled his nation forward, all the while uniting her more closely to the Faith.

The 1869 constitution made Catholicism the religion of the State and required that both candidates and voters for office be Catholic... Two years later he had the legislature consecrate Ecuador to the Sacred Heart.

Personally pious (he attended Mass, daily, as well as visiting the Blessed Sacrament; he received every Sunday---a rare practice before St. Pius X---and belonged to the Workingmen's section of the Sodality, in which he was quite active), he believed that the first duty of the State was to promote and support Catholicism. Church and State were united, but by the terms of the new concordat, the State's power over appointments of bishops inherited from Spain was done away with---at García Moreno's insistence. The 1869 constitution made Catholicism the religion of the State and required that both candidates and voters for office be Catholic. He was the only ruler in the world to protest the Pope's loss of the Papal States, and two years later had the legislature consecrate Ecuador to the Sacred Heart.

In more worldly things, he came to office with an empty treasury and an enormous debt. To overcome this, he placed the government on stringent economy and abolished useless positions, as well as cutting out the corruption which siphoned off tax dollars. As a result he was able to provide Ecuadoreans with more for less. Slavery was abolished, but there was full compensation for the owners; (thus neither former slaves nor masters suffered economically). The army was reformed, with officers being sent to Prussia to study, and illiterate recruits taught basic skills. Houses of prostitution were closed, and hospitals opened in all the major towns. Railroads and national highways were built, telegraph extended, and the postal and water systems improved. City streets were paved, and local bandits suppressed. García Moreno further reformed the universities, established two polytechnic and agricultural colleges and a miltary school, and increased the number of primary schools to 500 from 200. The number of students in them grew from 8000 to 32,000. To staff the enormously expanded health-care and educational facilities, foreign religious were brought in. All of this was done while expanding the franchise and guaranteeing equal rights under the law to every Ecuadorean.

But the Liberals (not without contacts and support in the American Embassy) hated García Moreno; when he was elected a third time in 1875, it was considered to be his death warrant. He wrote immediately to Pius IX asking for his blessing before inauguration day on August 30:

I wish to obtain your blessing before that day, so that I may have the strength and light which I need so much in order to be unto the end a faithful son of our Redeemer, and a loyal and obedient servant of His Infallible Vicar. Now that the Masonic Lodges of the neighboring countries, instigated by Germany, are vomiting against me all sorts of atrocious insults and horrible calumnies, now that the Lodges are secretly arranging for my assasination, I have more need than ever of the divine protection so that I may live and die in defense of our holy religion and the beloved republic which I am called once more to rule.

He showed that making Catholicism the basis of public policy will not doom a country to poverty, but quite the opposite.

García Moreno's prediction was correct; he was assasinated coming out of the Cathedral in Quto, struck down with knives and revolvers. So passed from the scene one of the greatest Catholic statesmen the world has ever seen. He showed that making Catholicism the basis of public policy will not doom a country to poverty, but quite the opposite; all Catholic Latin American politicians who have followed since owe him a great debt.

In Europe, there were few truly Catholic governments. Even in Austria-Hungary, Liberals often had the upper hand. If they were not quite able to destroy what Catholicism remained in public life, they were able to prevent it from spreading to real solutions of the social question.

Yet following the leads of Bishop von Ketteler and García Moreno, Catholic social theorists continued to work. In France, one such was Charles, Marquis de La Tour du Pin (1834-1924). A nobleman, he owned and ran a large estate which his old and distinguished family had successfully preserved through the Revolution. His first taste of practical social Catholicism was his father's admonition: "Never forget that you will be only the administrator of these lands for their inhabitants." After a decorated military career (which ended in 1882), he threw himself into the fight to build out of France's Third Republic a just nation. Horrified both by the poverty of Parisian workingmen and by their profound alienation from Church and nation, he collaborated with Albert, Count de Mun in forming workingmen's circles. These would provide centers where industrial laborers could find entertainment, fellowship, education and mutual assistance---under Catholic auspices---and so be both uplifted and made immune to Communist propaganda. This was a valuable experience for La Tour du Pin; together with his convictions that Catholicism must regain its rightful place in the life of France, and that France must once again have a King, it was the origin of his unique social and political vision. Because of the influence of La Tour du Pin's teachings on future events, we will quote a detailed description of them:

Men must have certain personal rights, and also certain common rights, due to the social organization, which it is the duty of government to recognize. These rights are a part of the national constitution. Whether codified or not, the real constitution of a country is what is traditional, permanent, and essential to the principles of its political institutions. It is an historic product; the sum total of solutions given to the eternal problem of reconciling authority with the desire for liberty.

In the past, this problem was less acute, for men had a different conception of liberty. To us today liberty is individualistic and means the absence of restraints; to them, because they were more truly Christian, it was social, and meant the free play of the institutions which ensure social justice, that is to say, an equitable distribution of the burdens and advantages of society.

The true basis of such institutions is the association of men acording to their functions. Thus only is the sense of social solidarity developed. To be genuine, a representative system must make room for all social collectivities. Both the feudal and the corporative regimes were just such organizations of men, not according to classes, but according to functions.

When the parliament is based on an unorganized universal suffrage, only opinion is represented, and all is ephemeral---it is a mere demagogy.

A political body should represent, not individuals, but social bodies, organic elements, such as bishoprics, fiefs, cities, communes, corporations. When laws are to be elaborated, it is only from such organized bodies that one can expect competence, independence, and prudence. When classes and interests are represented there is a constant current, and no violent movements occur, but when the parliament is based on an unorganized universal suffrage, only opinion is represented, and all is ephemeral---it is a mere demagogy.

La Tour du Pin was favorable to the creation of an aristocracy. There have never been closed castes in Christian countries, he pointed out, but only classes. These will always exist, for a society necessarily develops an aristocracy, which is the mainspring of its civilization. If society is not to be a chaos, a natural selection of families by heredity must be allowed to take place. The hereditary possession of the land is the truest source of distinction and authority; it alone can create a genuine nobility.

When a parliament represents permanent forces, as it does in countries like England [or did until the change of constitution in 1911---CAC] (where the absolutism of the ancien regime did not penetrate), when a peerage is a real House of Lords, that is to say, of those possessing great fiefs, and representing the families which have always shared in the sovereignty, the result is good. But in France the nobility had ceased during the ancien regime to be a political order, and had become a mere social class. This was one of the reasons why at the Restoration it was so hard to reconstruct a representative system.

In addition to the peerage, which already represents the class of landowners and the profession of soldiers, there are three types of interests which should be represented. They are (1) the taxpayers, (2) constituted bodies in the State, and (3) professional organizations. As to the first category, the family is the primordial unit of representation, as it is of society. Each head of a family has a right to select mandataries who will consent to taxation. Widows and unmarried women should here have in this respect equal rights with fathers, for they represent a family. Electoral colleges may be formed of these heads of families. They should be divided into three classes, according to the amount of taxes which they pay, and the burden should be distributed equally among these three groups.

As to the second category, churches, universities, and legal bodies, as well as the professional corporations, must have representation. It cannot be regulated, however, as in the case of the taxpayers; it must be based on the hierarchical principle which is the very structure of these bodies.

Most important of all is professional representation. The corporative regime must be introduced into all occupations, and become the basis of economic, social, and political life. All occupations create common rights and interests, and the associations which arise from these should be organized, and erected into political as well as economic units.

The representatives of the taxpayers would constitute the administrative organs, which would be autonomous in the communes, and in the State would exercise a control over the use of public monies, through a chamber of deputies, which would vote the budget. The budget, however, should normally be voted for a number of years ahead, unless there is some unusual expense to be provided for.

Another chamber should exist, formed by the representatives of the social bodies, which would have the right to be consulted on all technical and economic matters. This would secure a balance between the opinion of the moment, represented by the taxpayers' delegates, and the permanent interests of the country, represented by delegates of the organized bodies. The consent of both chambers would be necessary for measures which concerned all.

The chambers are not, however, to have a supreme authority, either in legislation or administration. It is the king in his council who governs, and the States [legislatures], Provincial or General, have merely rights of consent and control. They are not to sit in permanence, or be convoked regularly, for this would lead to a divided sovereignty, and perpetual struggle.

This political structure as conceived by La Tour du Pin was founded on the corporative organization of industry, professions, and the land. His ideas with regard to this corporative regime are precise. What should the contract of labor provide for the worker, for the owner, and for society? he asked. This contract is an exchange of services. Both capitalist and laborer must procure a living from it, each according to his condition, and living implies a home and the means of rearing a family.

The corporative regime is not socialistic; it admits that inequalities of social condition must be respected. Its basis is the fact that labor and capital are mutually dependent. Its principle is the admission of a right and a duty for each member of the association, and of reciprocal duties between the association and the State. The corporation is, like the commune, a state within the State, a social institution, with a fixed place in the community, and obligations to it.

In the Middle Ages the land was for the peasant, and the tool for the worker. Today the laborer has no real rights, no guaranty of fixed work, no safe tomorrow. Socialism, on the contrary, gives no rights to capital. The corporative regime gives rights to both.

A corporation should include all who are engaged in a given industry, in whatever capacity, for they are all interdependent, and the salary or profit of each, according to his place will depend alike on the profit of the industry.

The fundamental functions of a corporation are: first, the formation of a corporate patrimony, i.e., an insurance fund, to be levied partly on the profits of capital, and partly on the wages of labor, and to serve both as a protection for the workers, in old age and illness, and as a reserve for the industry itself, to enable it to survive times of stress; and second, the verification of professional capacity, both of workers and directors, and the supervision of the quality of production. This will limit, but will not do away with competition, and access to trades and professions. It will protect the public and safeguard the skill which is the laborers' capital. A third function would be the representation of each element in a corporative government. This will allow disputes as to wages and the conditions of labor to be settled by those who are actually interested in the industry in question, either as workers or owners.

The land, like the tools of industry, must yield the means of subsistence to those who cultivate it. It belongs to the poor as well as to the rich. Society has rights in it, and the individual only a tenancy.

In every case the duties, not the rights of property owners should be stressed. Property is the basis of society only if it is reasonably accessible to all. The masses to become conservative must be given a stake in the community. Liberalism destroyed the old corporations, in which everyone had some interest, and free competition lowered the standard of living, and did not respect the needs of family life. The State exists only to protect society, and if misery becomes so great that a large number of members do not want society to be preserved, the State will not be able to act.

La Tour du Pin saw the need of decentralization. He thought that it could best be realized by means of indirect professional representation. All professional associations should send delegates to a local syndical chamber, in which owners and workers would be equally represented. These local chambers would send delegates to a body which would have its place of meeting in the chief town of the arrondissement . These in turn would send delegates to provincial chambers. Thus agriculture and industry, producers and retailers, as well as the liberal professions, would each possess a provincial chamber, and these chambers could unite, when necessary, to discuss their common interests. They would then form a body much like the old Provincial Estates. These chambers should be presided over by a permanent official, emissary of the central power, and there should also be a central office in each province to permit the government to keep in touch with the local corporations.

La Tour du Pin was hostile to the liberal conception of a free Church in a free State. In practice, he said, this had proved unfavorable to religion. The Church once had the right of ministry, that of teaching, and that of administering justice when its interests or its members were concerned. Today only the first of these is left, for the Church's judicial power had disappeared, and her right to teach is strongly contested.

Both the idea that religion is a private matter, and the belief that the Church should be submitted to the control of the State are errors. "Man," he said, "is a religious being, and the social order always corresponds more or less closely to a religious idea." Religious society is the best society, and its precepts must be practiced. No attack upon it must be allowed. All that is not Christian in the spirit and habits of society must be banished. Dissidents may be tolerated, but they should be treated, not as members of the community, but as strangers.

This very long quotation is useful because it shows not only what La Tour du Pin, but most other Catholic social theorists arrived at by the late 19th Century---the idea of the Corporate state. Men like Ramon Nocedal in Spain, Karl, Baron von Vogelsang in Austria, and Giuseppe Toniolo in Italy elaborated the same ideas in their own countries. The latter was influential in persuading Leo XIII to accept these notions; the result was the groundbreaking 1891 encyclical, Rerum novarum. In this, Leo XIII held up corporatism as the Catholic ideal.

As a result, the Catholic or Christian Social Parties in Austria-Hungary, Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands all adopted the Corporate State as their long-term goal. In France, the chance to form such a group was ironically scuttled by Leo's order that French Catholics should abandon Royalism and "rally to the republic;" this in hopes of convincing the government not to seize the churches. While Leo's strategy failed to preserve the property, it did manage to split the most activist French Catholics into two factions. In Italy no Catholic party was formed because to take part in electoral politics would have meant recognition of the Italian government's legitimacy (impossible due to their usurpation of Rome).

In Spain and Portugal too the Catholics were split by dynastic disputes. In any case, since the whole nature of electoral politics as we know them and in which the Catholic parties had to function is and was Liberal, these groups often had to defer any work on the Corporate state to some unknown future, and spend the immediate working for easier goals---often including piecemeal parts of the total program. So it was as the new 20th Century dawned.

The First World War destroyed much of value, including the Habsburg Empire of Austria-Hungary. But it also destroyed faith in the Liberal vision of progress; its horrible devastation led many to think more of the next world. Further, the unleashing of Communism in Russia (and its bloody attempts at rule in Finland, Hungary, Bavaria, Slovakia, and elsewhere) brought many to think more seriously of non-Liberal Capitalist alternatives. But it was the world-wide Depression in 1929, threatening the very foundations of the international Capitalist economy which led many folk in many lands to ponder the Corporate State anew. Although Monarchism and Catholicism were bound up together with Corporatism in many people's view, the three were not necessarily identical, as attempts to put them into practice showed. At any rate, Pius XI reinforced and updated his predecessor's endorsement of Corporatism in his encyclical, Quadragesimo Anno, issued in 1931.

Portugal had suffered a revolution in 1910, which expelled King Manoel II and put in an anti-clerical regime. On May 27, 1926, a popular rising against the regime began in Braga, in the north. On June 17th, the rebels entered Lisbon. The presidency was given to General Oscar Carmona. He summoned to the capital one Professor Antonio de Oliveira Salazar, an instructor of economics at the University of Coimbra. Like García Moreno, Salazar had been ordained in minor orders, and was a fervent Catholic. Moreover, he was at Coimbra a student of the writings of La Tour du Pin. Eventually, he became Prime Minister, and in 1932 gave his country a new, Corporative constitution. In this document, the ideas given in the earlier quote by La Tour du Pin were erected into law. The result was called the Estado Novo, the New State. Corporations representing labor and capital in every branch of industry were erected.

The economy of Portugal had been in foreign hands for a long time; Salazar restored the position of the Portuguese fishermen, farmers, and artisans. The Church reassumed her rightful place in the national life. He declared that when the country was ready, he would bring back her King. Above all, Salazar tried, as had La Tour du Pin, von Vogelsang, and the other Corporate theorists, to put an end to the rule of party and faction. In his own words:

...we seek to construct a social and corporative state corresponding exactly with the natural structure of society. The families, the parishes, the townships, the corporations, where all the citizens are to be found with their fundamental juridical liberties, are the organisms which make up the nation, and as such they ought to take a direct part in the constitution of the supreme bodies of the state. Here is an expression of the representative system that is more faithful than any other.

What was the result? Throughout the 1930s, World War II, and the 50s, Portugal did rather well. The Corporations continued to grow, and the standard of living rose. But in the early 60s revolts against Portuguese rule broke out in the African possessions of Angola, Mozambique, and Portuguese Guinea. Although the guerrillas were armed by both the Soviet Union and the United States, Salazar resolved to fight. Incapacitated by a stroke in 1968, he died two years later. His successors were not as able as he, and in time the strain of fighting the world's two superpowers by proxy ruined the national economy. A coup in 1974 ended Salazar's experiment. But what would have been the outcome had the New State been allowed to develop in peace is a question, which, while unanswerable, is deserving of a good deal of thought.

Another attempt to inaugurate a Catholic, Corporate state took place in Austria. The rump remaining from the German-speaking areas of the former Empire was always in a rather precarious position economically. The Depression hit the country badly. The rise of the Nazis to power in Germany caught the country in a vise; to stave off Hitler, successive Austrian governments had to turn to Mussolini. Moreover, the Socialists and Communists were very active. Surrounded by dangers internal and external, Austrians looked for strong Catholic leadership. They found it in Engelbert Dollfuss.

Born in 1892, Dollfuss had studied law and economics at Vienna. He became secretary to the Lower Austrian Peasant Federation, and in 1927 director of the Lower Austrian chamber of agriculture. In 1931 he became chancellor. At the Christian Social party conference in April 1933, the need to reconstruct Austrian society if it was to stave off its enemies was of paramount concern. At that conference, Dollfuss' assistant, Kurt von Schuschnigg declared that the "reconstruction of the state" was "indivisibly connected with the reform of society," and that Quadragesimo Anno was the guide. A new Corporative constitution was adopted on June 19, 1934.

It is a remarkable document. Its preamble reads: "In the name of almighty God from Whom all justice emanates, the Austrian people receives for its Christian, German Federal State on a corporative foundation this constitution." In keeping with this, the Concordat with the Holy See was elevated to Constitutional law. Corporative legislative bodies like the Federal Cultural Council and the Federal Economic Council were erected. Dollfuss, lover of Austrian institutions that he was, favored a Habsburg restoration. But although he gave his county a good constitution, he did not see it in operation for long.

The Austrian Nazis were fearful that Dollfuss' activities would prevent the country's being annexed by Germany. On July 25, 1934, a group of 150-200 Nazis seized the chancellery, and murdered Dollfuss. Although the attempted coup was put down, it was nevertheless a great blow to Austrian independence.

Dollfuss' constitution did survive him---for four years. At last, abandoned by the West, Austria submitted to her northern neighbor. For the short period that Dollfuss' reforms were in effect, they produced some excellent results. Unhappily we shall never know their potential.

Lithuania also attempted a similar solution to the problems of the Great Depression, Communism, and Nazism. After a pro-Communist government was deposed in 1926, Antanas Smetona, who had led the nation to independence in 1918, returned to power. Under his sponsorship, a new constitution in 1931 made Catholicism the religion of the State, and established Chambers of Commerce and Agriculture to function in typical corporative style. A 1935 law created a Chamber of Labor to safeguard the workers' cultural, economic, and social interests. Here again, only five years would pass before Soviet troops ended the experiment---but what was accomplished in the meantime showed great promise.

The next year, Lithuania's neighbor to the north, Latvia, adopted a Corporative government; this even though only 29% of Latvians were Catholic. Still, it conformed to the general pattern otherwise:

A corporative form of government came into effect with the formation, in January 1936, of a National Economic Council, made up of the elected boards of the newly created chambers of commerce, industry, agriculture, artisans, and labor. A State Cultural Council was also created, consisting of the boards of the Chamber of Professions, and the Chamber of Literature and Art. These councils were allowed to collaborate with the respective government departments, individually and jointly. The two National Councils constituted the Joint Economic and Cultural State Council, which was convoked by the President of the Republic, and worked in close collaboration with the Cabinet of Ministers. The Joint State Council represented all sections of the nation, including the national minorities. It passed resolutions by a simple majority vote of its members.

The reorganization of the producing population on a guild basis was paralleled by a readjustment in municipal and rural self-government, where elections were now held along guild rather than political lines. A new communal law provided for an organic coordination between the various corporative chambers and the self-governing territorial administrations. It was generally conceded at the time that the direct participation of every producing socio-economic group in the governmental machinery insured that national unity which both public opinion and the men in office sought as a remedy for the current ills and a new foundation for the future security of the state (Alfred Bilmanis, A History of Latvia, pp. 360-361).

Needless to say, the Soviets put an end to all of that also in 1940.

The year 1936 also saw the beginning of the Spanish Civil War. The Falange, the coalition of Carlists, Alfonsinos, and Corporatists who won that conflict in 1939, maintained the following point along with the 27 others in their program:

9. From the economic viewpoint we conceive of Spain as a large producer's syndicate. We shall organize corporatively Spanish society by means a system of syndicates, according to fields of production, syndicates which will be at the service of national economic integrity.

The Falange did form some of these syndicates; moreover, they spread the idea of Corporatism throughout Latin America. Even in the American held-Phillipines, a branch of the Falange existed, organized by Andres Soriano and Enrique Zobel.

But some of these nations had by 1937 their own native Catholic Corporatist movements, friendly to but independent of the Spanish Falange. The Sinarquistas of Mexico (see the December 1993 issue) maintained as one of their 16 points:

The members of the same craft or profession must unite, building corporate groups. Over these professional or corporate groups, a superior power must be established, in charge of their mutual relationships and directing them to the common good. Similar professional corporations must unite within themselves, submitting to a supreme authority embodied in the political structure of the nation.

Laureano Gomez, head of the Colombian Conservative Party after 1930, and president from 1950 to 1953, was interested in Corporatism; so too was Jose Uriburu, Argentine president, 1930-31. But in order to be friendly with the U.S. Franco tacitly dropped Corporatism after 1955, and most Latin Americans followed suit. Quadragesimo Anno made such an impression in the Netherlands that Corporations were actually formed at the behest of the minority Catholic party, and endowed with a certain amount of governmental power in the 1938 constitution; World War II and German occupation ended this experiment. In Belgium, Robert Poulet, a journalist, played an important part in the Reaction group. This consisted of men of letters, war veterans, corporatists, etc. Established in in 1932, its organ for the next two years was the Revue Reactionnaire,. It tried to foster a "powerful current of opinion against parliament and democracy;" it felt that the old parties must disappear and "abdicate their sovereignty into the hands of the king." The king, who would govern with the help of a corporatist system, would be given the most extensive powers, including legislation. In 1935 the Revue Ractionnaire was succeeded by the Revue de l'Ordre Corporatif (1935-1940) which continued the struggle for a "corporate monarchy." The previous year, Poulet and various other Reaction members took over the Nation Belge. This latter held that the Parliamementary regime was dying, and should be replaced by a corporatist state organized around the king. Of similar views were Pierre Nothomb (b. 1887), writer and orator, founder of the weekly L'Action Nationale (1924-1930), and Paul Hoonaert, who was executed by the Nazis.

In Ireland, Corporatism inspired the work of Frs. Denis Fahey and Fr. E. Cahill; it also had some influence on the 1937 constitution.

As might be expected, Corporatist ideas were not unknown in France, home of La Tour du Pin. They were popularized by the famed Charles Maurras of l'Action Française. Due to his influence and those like him, the regime of Marshal Petain at Vichy experimented with Corporatism during the two years of their partial independence from the German occupiers in 1940-42. After that date, former Socialists like Pierre Laval were forced into positions of power by the Germans; these soon ended the Corporatist effort.

Corporatism crossed over to Quebec from France; the movement l'Action Française Canadienne, led by Fr. Lionel Groulx, became so influential that Cardinal Villeneuve himself opined on April 17, 1937, "We have and there some bits of social justice, but these appearances of remedies do not suffice. We need more than that: full corporatism." As Sinarquismo came across the border to the Southwest, so did folk inspired by Groulx come with the French-Canadians to New England. Thus was founded the 20s-era paper in Woonsocket, Rhode Island, La Sentinelle, edited by Elphege-J. Daignault (1879-1937).

Unfortunately, Mussolini and Hitler attempted to claim Corporatism for themselves, leading some to claim that it is merely Fascism. But this attempt is belied by two important facts. The one is that in true Corporatism, as elaborated by Popes and lay theorists and politicians, the Corporations are organic, that is, true developments from the grass-roots. The great dictators tried to make them artificially; it did not work well, and in the case of Italy the attempt was given up after 1937.

The other important point is that many of their opponents were true corporatists. Fr. Luigi Sturzo's Popular Party (Catholics could vote in Italy after World War I), were among the bitterest opponents of the Fascists. They had as their motto, Libertas, a liberty which was not "the liberal, individualist, antiorganic atomic conception, which is based on the [false] conception of the sovereignty of the people." In Germany, the heroic Claus, Count von Stauffenberg, who attempted to assasinate Hitler as part of a coup on July 20, 1944, was surrounded by Corporatists. Apart from emphasizing the need for Christianity in general and Catholicism in particular in German public life, von Stauffenberg had some very Corporatist things to say:

How can people fit to govern be recruited from all sections of the population? Is it possible, and if so how, to establish popular representation in Germany, perhaps on an entirely different basis than that of conventional political parties---perhaps building on the political reality of a system of local communities, vocational groups, or associations of common interests which might be given a public voice of their own in Parliament instead of deviously pursuing their objectives through self-interested parties or by parleying with such parties.

Relations between entrepreneurs and workers must be based on their common tasks, and their joint responsibility toward the community as a whole and towards the individual human being.

He was, by all accounts, a great man, von Stauffenberg; one wonders how, had he been sucessful, he would have served his country and his continent. Is it not odd that Nazi, Fascist, Communist, and Capitalist alike all opposed these Corporatists? One might be tempted to say that destruction of the unique Catholic social and economic vision was the one thing which united both Allies and Axis in World War II.

But why bother with all this old news now? What can this pack of lost opportunities tell us today?

Corporatism was an attempt to apply the never-changing teachings of the Church in the social sphere to the changed conditions brought on by industrialism.

Three things. First, Corporatism was an attempt to apply the never-changing teachings of the Church in the social sphere to the changed conditions brought on by industrialism. The shift in developed countries over the last few decades from an industrial to an information/service economy is as great a shift, and quite as traumatic. Surely it needs to be addressed from a Catholic viewpoint.

Second, we are in the grip of a recession deeper than any we have had since the Great Depression. It is precisely at such times that economic scarcity drives us to question whether or not there are better alternatives to our present economic and political system.

Thirdly, it will be apparent from all that has been written here that in many ways we in these United States are the acme of classical Liberalism. Apart from the Mexican and French-Canadian immigrants spoken of, and the late Fr. Charles E. Coughlin, no one has ever seriously suggested that the social and financial life of this county ought to be organized upon Catholic principles. For good reason; to do so would require our nation's conversion.

Yet we have such an admirable band of predecessors, as we have just read. It would be good if we could emulate them.

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